Opinion | America is trying to use Russia to humiliate China

By Tom Fowdy

On Sunday night, the Financial Times reported citing an anonymous government official claiming that Russia had requested China for "military assistance". Unsurprisingly, China's embassy in the United States quickly denied such a claim and said that no request in fact existed, yet such didn't stop the widespread proliferation of the story across the entirety of the mainstream media which quickly deceived the western public into believing that Russia had asked China officially for help, adding to an existing narrative consolidated that the war was going badly for Putin.

Perhaps by no coincidence, its publication came on the eve of US National Security advisor Jake Sullivan meeting with China's top diplomat Yang Jiechi in Rome, a pre-scheduled meeting one should note, with Sullivan threatening Beijing with "consequences" if they are perceived to help Russia "evade" US-led sanctions against them, particularly on the grounds of semiconductor technologies and backdoor access to global financial markets. China does not endorse the conflict in Ukraine, but as a strategic partner nor has it opposed Russia either and has taken a position of neutrality.

The entire story is preposterous, and should be dismissed as political gaslighting. The United States is determined to try and bully, coerce and seemingly humiliate China into vocally opposing Russia's war by framing a narrative as to which brands them complicit, and this story is an intentionally manipulative effort to try and put Beijing into a tight spot whereby it is "forced to take a side" by putting its core interests on the line. Although it is true to say that the promulgation of such a conflict and the global instability which arises from it are in fact not in China's best interests, or for that of the world as a whole, nonetheless Beijing does not owe the West any favors, and should drive a hard bargain in the pursuit of peace.

China and Russia's relationship is one of a growing strategic partnership, which whilst not a formal alliance, has overlapping geopolitical, economic and military objectives. Both countries are great power nations who have found themselves in recent years a target of the US-led political order of which has sought to militarize their respective peripheries with ever expanding alliances and asset deployments. Whilst Russia's primary grievance is NATO, China's is that of America-led relationships with Japan, Taiwan and the groupings known as "The Quad" (Australia, India, Japan and the US) as well as the "AUKUS" bloc. In lieu of such circumstances, both countries have found each other important to give the other strategic and political backing, of which was most deeply consolidated following Vladimir Putin's visit to Beijing for the Winter Olympics.

However, China was, contrary to western media narratives, not expecting Russia's actions in Ukraine and nor the scope of the response from the West in terms of sanctions. China's foreign policy doctrine continues to be built on a respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as learning for international stability in the view to attaining economic development at home. This has allowed the West, already embracing an anti-China agenda and long having feared the results of Chinese and Russian partnership, to try and use the conflict as a wedge issue to split Moscow and Beijing apart by isolating Moscow on an unprecedented scale. Two weeks into the war, this now seems to materialize into a formal bid to "force" China to take a side.

Whilst Chinese media have made it abundantly clear that peace is their primary interest, Beijing nonetheless has numerous reasons to be skeptical of US intentions. The war is proving to be a massive distraction from the US-led "Indo-Pacific" agenda against China, which will unsurprisingly revert back to form if a quick resolution is secured. Once Russia is "dealt with", containment of China will resume and it is abundantly clear such is on the agenda, hence the scope of sanctions is designed to permanently try and knock Russia out of the game and render it completely isolated. But of course, on the other hand, to be seen as completely backing of Moscow will also legitimate a harder anti-China agenda in the long run, with the US having also consolidated its clout over European allies. Therefore, what must be done?

China should not be quick to jump to any position, if at all, but nonetheless must utilize its geopolitical leverage in a shrewd way to drive some hard bargains based on the best assessment of its interests. To "throw Russia on the bus" would be a foolish mistake which would also come back to haunt them, not least if the Putin government was in a worst-case scenario, to crumble, but pressing for peace with application of Moscow's point of view would allow China to geopolitically leverage the West whilst avoiding the worst liabilities. Beijing should be driving a hard bargain.

America's attempts to threaten and coerce China in a demeaning way should be rejected, and this is why partnership with Russia ought to be a strategic advantage, then a liability. The West wants China to push for peace? Then it should come with the demand they cease supporting separatism in Taiwan and commit to the one-China policy and that they drop politically motivated accusations of genocide in Xinjiang. As the West had assumed with the wanton expansion of NATO, there is a belief that these countries can "have their cake and eat it", that they can demonize China constantly, but then somehow expect China to dance to their best interests when it suits them. This is no longer the case, and Beijing should not make immature or reckless decisions in view of this crisis, but immediately set down its lines. There are no favors here, only interests, and it takes two tango.

The author is a well-seasoned writer and analyst with a large portfolio related to China topics, especially in the field of politics, international relations and more. He graduated with an Msc. in Chinese Studies from Oxford University in 2018.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of DotDotNews.

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